{"id":2703,"date":"2021-08-31T16:45:02","date_gmt":"2021-08-31T15:45:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/habitableproject.org\/?post_type=news&p=2703"},"modified":"2022-02-22T14:01:52","modified_gmt":"2022-02-22T14:01:52","slug":"feminist-political-ecology-and-habitability","status":"publish","type":"news","link":"https:\/\/habitableproject.org\/news\/feminist-political-ecology-and-habitability\/","title":{"rendered":"Feminist Political Ecology and Habitability"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Introduction<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Climate change and migration represent two of the most powerful symbols of global inequality. During the last decades, studies of the \u2018climate-migration nexus\u2019 have greatly evolved from environmental deterministic explanations to more sophisticated accounts of human (im)mobility in the context of climate change. These findings have shown the multi-causality and complexity of migration drivers in the context of climate change as well as the differentiated impacts that climate change has on migration. However, and despite increasing calls for the integration of gender and social equity considerations, studies have often sidestepped gender or underestimated the gendered causes, processes, and impacts of migration in the context of climate change. More importantly, they often overlook the underlying power relations which turn hazards into disasters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Centered on the notion of habitability, and based on a socio-ecological systems approach, the HABITABLE project seeks to formulate a broad and interdisciplinary conceptualization of \u2018social tipping points\u2019 as a means to understand how climate and environmental changes can trigger migration. Inherent to the concept of social tipping point is the notion of \u2018perceptions\u2019 which introduces a subjective element to how people perceive<\/em> the habitability or \u2018the capacity\/capability of a socio-ecological system to sustain and support the lives and livelihoods of its constituent population(s)\u2019 (Gemenne et al. 2021).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gender and social relations are key in shaping social tipping points as well as the perceptions of socio-environmental risks. On the one hand, they influence who migrates and why, and how decisions about migration in the context of climate change are made. On the other hand, migration itself shapes pre-existing socio-ecological inequities, either to further entrench traditional values and norms or by challenging and transforming them. In this way, gender and social inequities become key explanatory factors influencing both the objective and subjective dimensions around the climate-migration nexus that the HABITABLE project aims to analyze.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Feminist political ecology and habitability<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Feminist Political Ecology (FPE) emerged as a sub-field of political ecology in the 1990s by bringing feminist theory and objectives into political ecology (Rocheleau, Thomas-Slayter, and Wangari 1996).  Power and politics are central to feminist political ecology analyses which seek to unpack how combined socio-ecological relations produce unequal outcomes. Instead of treating women and men as homogeneous groups, FPE\u2019s analyses of migration call for an intersectional approach that pays attention to how gender intersects with other social identities, and with peoples position in society (i.e., age, class, education, ability, race, migratory status, location, etc.). This analytical angle can help not only illuminate social differentiation in migration patterns, but also how perceptions ofenvironmental risks vary depending on how people are situated within power structures according to dynamic social categorizations (Vigil 2021).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Building on systems thinking, socio-ecological systems (SES) developed to emphasize the synergies, interdependencies, and dynamics between human and environmental sub-systems (Berkes, Folke, and Colding 2000). Instead of focusing on multiple (social) outcomes from a singular (\u2018natural\u2019) event \u2013 such as the linear impacts of climate change on migration \u2013 SES aims to understand the elements of vulnerability (exposure, sensitivity and resilience) of a bounded system at a particular scale and to make explicit its links to other scales (Adger 2006).  In so doing, SES underlines essential feedback loops and acknowledges how people are a part of,<\/em> rather than apart from<\/em> nature. Despite great advances in socio-ecological systems thinking, and its usefulness for climate related migration research, the power analytic has tended to be progressively sidelined (see Tschakert et al. 2013; Stone-Jovicich 2015 for a critique).  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Critiques of socio-ecological systems stem from their under theorization of social change (Stojanovic et al. 2016) and from their scarce attention to \u2018the social\u2019 (Cote and Nightingale 2012, 476). Although gender and other markers of social inequalities have been introduced, these have tended to be interpreted as additional variables for which new data must be collected (Kawarazuka et al. 2017). However, there is an essential difference between including measures of biological sex as dichotomous variables \u2013 also called the \u2018add women and stir approach\u2019 <\/em>\u2013 and integrating a more complex theoretical gender and social equity analysis into our work (Nawyn 2010). To this end, the integration of Feminist Political Ecology within SES \u2013 that underlines gender and social equity across HABITABLE \u2013 seeks to unpack the power structures that shape social inequities by not only advancing our understanding on who<\/em> is vulnerable, but on why <\/em>they are vulnerable, and what<\/em> policy makers can do to redress these imbalances (Vigil 2021).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FPE helps to address the power analytic by framing migration in its historical and political context, emphasizing underlying structural explanations over who wins, who loses<\/em> and why<\/em> as well as considering the outcomes of migration from a social justice vantage point (Radel et al. 2018). It also pushes academic and policy circles to examine the gendered and social dimension of climate and migration research by unmasking \u2018discourses of power \u2026 to address [individual\u2019s] uneven access to resources to assuage their daily livelihood struggles\u2019 (Resurreccion and Sajor 2015, 22). By paying attention to the relational nature of \u2018gendered geographies of power\u2019 across multiple scales (i.e. the body, the family, the state), feminist researchers highlight how gender relations are reaffirmed and reconstructed through relations of domination and oppression (Mahler and Pessar 2001). This includes through the gendering, racialization and discrimination embedded in migration laws and labor markets and the gendered division of labor within and beyond households (Silvey 2004).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The \u2018power geometries\u2019 embedded in migration processes are evident at all stages of the migration cycle (B\u00e9langer and Silvey 2020). A close look at social inequalities can also help unpack what has been referred to as the \u2018immobility paradox\u2019 where some are highly mobile and others highly immobile due to inequities that force some to stay put in the face of disasters (Chatterji 2017). Moreover, and importantly for migration research, the social identities or structures that make people privileged or oppressed in one place, may not do so in another (and vice-versa). For example, an individual or family that enjoys a privileged position in their origin community may become marginalized at destination (Mahler, Chaudhuri, and Patil 2015). Therefore, a trans-local or \u2018transnational intersectional approach\u2019 (Mahler, Chaudhuri, and Patil 2015, 101) can help analyze how perceptions of both environmental risks and migration opportunities are (re)shaped across time and space. This approach has implications for understanding migration decisions as well as for unpacking the transformational capacity of migration in the context of climate change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Methodological steps in HABITABLE<\/strong>
 <\/strong>
The HABITABLE project aims to substantially push the frontier of knowledge on how gender and social inequities transform migration patterns in the context of climate change and on the types of interventions that are needed to protect socio-ecological systems. For their meaningful integration, gender and social equity considerations are integrated from the very framing of the research and streamlined across all key areas of the research project (and of respective work packages):objectives, research questions, methods, analysis, and dissemination of results.One of the key innovations of HABITABLE with regards to the integration of intersectionality, will be not only its coherent integration through the myriad of qualitative methods across the project, but crucially across quantitative methods and models. The mixed-methods approach inherent to the HABITABLE project will allow us to make the most of out of the advantages that each method has (i.e. by combining statistical approaches with in depth grounded narratives from qualitative research). For more methodological guidance on gender and social equity in HABITABLE, please refer to the Gender Analysis Guidance for HABITABLE researchers<\/a>.<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Towards transformative migration<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Research and practice around the \u2018climate-migration nexus\u2019 aims to both avoid forced (im)mobility in the context of climate change and to facilitate safe, regular and adaptive migration. Although different adaptation frames exist within climate adaptation efforts, the dominant frames of adaptation fall within the \u2018adjustment adaptation\u2019 category whereby the aim of interventions is to \u2018return socio-ecological systems to a normatively desirable state of equilibrium in order to maintain business as usual\u2019 (Schulz and Siriwardane 2015, 8). This means that instead of seeking causality in historical inequality, exploitation, and socio-economic choices (of which climate change is an outcome<\/em>), hazards framings around climate adaptation locate risks within hazards to which people are expected to adjust<\/em> (Vigil 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Critically, FPE attempts to transform (rather than just adapt to<\/em>) a fundamentally unjust, unequal, and oppressive situation. By interrogating people\u2019s perceptions of habitability, and interpreting them within power hierarchies based on social differences and on location, our research seeks to challenge unequal power relations and shift towards equitable socio-ecological and migration systems. The ultimate aim of transformative research is not just to be critical of existing circumstances, but also to contribute to the co-production of alternative ones. The HABITABLE project seeks exactly this outcome, particularly for the millions of vulnerable people impacted by climate related migration and (im)mobilities across the globe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Photo credit<\/strong>: UN Women\/Piyavit Thongsa-ard\/Pornvit Visitoran <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

This blog post draws on a working paper entitled \u201cTowards a (World) Feminist Political Ecology of Migration\u201d which was presented at the Development Studies Association Conference in the Panel \u2018Unsettling climate: exploring climate mobility with a governance perspective\u2019 (28 June-2 July 2021: Online Conference at UEA).<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

References<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Adger, W. Neil. 2006. \u201cVulnerability.\u201d Resilience, Vulnerability, and Adaptation: A Cross-Cutting Theme of the International Human Dimensions Programme on Global Environmental Change 16 (3): 268\u201381.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00e9langer, Dani\u00e8le, and Rachel Silvey. 2020. \u201cAn Im\/Mobility Turn: Power Geometries of Care and Migration.\u201d Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 46 (16): 3423\u201340.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chatterji, Joya. 2017. \u201cOn Being Stuck in Bengal: Immobility in the \u2018Age of Migration.\u2019\u201d Modern Asian Studies 51 (2): 511\u201341.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cote, Muriel, and Andrea J Nightingale. 2012. \u201cResilience Thinking Meets Social Theory: Situating Social Change in Socio-Ecological Systems (SES) Research.\u201d Progress in Human Geography 36 (4): 475\u201389.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gemenne, Fran\u00e7ois, Caroline Zickgraf, Vanessa Leigh, and Tatiana Castillo Betancourt. 2021. \u201cWorking Definitions of Key Concepts.\u201d HABITABLE project D11.2. https:\/\/habitableproject.org\/publication\/working-definition-of-key-concepts\/.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kawarazuka, Nozomi, Catherine Locke, Cynthia McDougall, Paula Kantor, and Miranda Morgan. 2017. \u201cBringing Analysis of Gender and Social\u2013Ecological Resilience Together in Small-Scale Fisheries Research: Challenges and Opportunities.\u201d Ambio 46 (2): 201\u201313.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mahler, Sarah J, Mayurakshi Chaudhuri, and Vrushali Patil. 2015. \u201cScaling Intersectionality: Advancing Feminist Analysis of Transnational Families.\u201d Sex Roles 73 (3): 100\u2013112.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mahler, Sarah J., and Patricia R. Pessar. 2001. \u201cGendered Geographies of Power: Analyzing Gender across Transnational Spaces.\u201d Identities 7 (4): 441-457.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nawyn, Stephanie J. 2010. \u201cGender and Migration: Integrating Feminist Theory into Migration Studies.\u201d Sociology Compass 4 (9): 749\u201365.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Radel, Claudia, Birgit Schmook, Lindsey Carte, and Sofia Mardero. 2018. \u201cToward a Political Ecology of Migration: Land, Labor Migration, and Climate Change in Northwestern Nicaragua.\u201d World Development 108: 263\u201373.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Resurreccion, Bernadette P., and Edsel E. Sajor. 2015. \u201cGender, Floods and Mobile Subjects: A Post Disaster View.\u201d In Gendered Entanglements: Re-Visiting Gender in Rapidly Changing Asia<\/em>. Copenhaguen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 207\u2013234.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rocheleau, Dianne, Barbara Thomas-Slayter, and Esther Wangari. 1996. Feminist Political Ecology: Global Issues and Local Experience. Routledge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Schulz, Karsten, and Rapti Siriwardane. 2015. \u201cDepoliticised and Technocratic? Normativity and the Politics of Transformative Adaptation.\u201d Earth Systems Governance Working Paper no.33. Lund and Amsterdam: Earth Systems Governance Project.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Silvey, Rachel. 2004. \u201cPower, Difference and Mobility: Feminist Advances in Migration Studies.\u201d Progress in Human Geography 28 (4): 490\u2013506.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stojanovic, Tim, Hilda M. McNae, Paul Tett, Tavis W. Potts, J Reis, Hance D. Smith, and Iain Dillingham. 2016. \u201cThe \u2018Social\u2019 Aspect of Social-Ecological Systems.\u201d Ecology and Society 21 (3).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stone-Jovicich, Samantha. 2015. \u201cProbing the Interfaces between the Social Sciences and Social-Ecological Resilience: Insights from Integrative and Hybrid Perspectives in the Social Sciences.\u201d Ecology and Society 20 (2).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tschakert, Petra, Bob van Oort, Asuncion Lera St. Clair, and Armando LaMadrid. 2013. \u201cInequality and Transformation Analyses: A Complementary Lens for Addressing Vulnerability to Climate Change.\u201d Climate and Development 5 (4): 340\u201350.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vigil, Sara. 2020. \u201cRethinking Migration and (Mal)Adaptation to Climate Change.\u201d December 18, 2020. https:\/\/www.sei.org\/perspectives\/rethinking-migration-and-maladaptation-to-climate-change\/.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014\u2014\u2014. 2021. \u201cGender and Social Equity Guidance Note for HABITABLE Researchers.\u201d HABITABLE project, D8.1 https:\/\/habitableproject.org\/publication\/gender-analysis-guidance-for-habitable-researchers\/<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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